✍🏾 *Madalla Kadiri, Zaar Activist*.
For decades, the term Hausa-Fulani has been used to describe the people of Northern Nigeria, suggesting a shared identity between the Hausa and Fulani ethnic groups. However, recent trends indicate that the Fulani elite are increasingly distancing themselves from this joint identity, forming exclusive Fulani organizations. This shift is not new—it echoes the events of 1804 when Usman dan Fodio led a Fulani jihad, seizing power from the Hausa rulers and establishing Fulani dominance.
But the question remains: Was the Hausa-Fulani identity ever genuine, or was it a strategic tool introduced by the Fulani to manipulate the Hausa politically? This is especially relevant when considering the NCNC-NPC rivalry of the 1950s, when Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, used the term as a political strategy to secure Northern dominance.
Before 1804: The Fulani in Hausa Land
Before the jihad of 1804, the Fulani lived among the Hausa people, but contrary to some narratives, they were not the primary Islamic scholars of the region. The Hausa states had well-established Islamic institutions long before the Fulani arrived. Cities like Kano, Katsina, and Zazzau had renowned Islamic scholars and judges who significantly contributed to the spread of Islam.
At that time, most Fulani were pastoralists who migrated across the region in search of grazing land. Some settled and assimilated into Hausa society, adopting the language and cultural practices. However, others maintained a distinct identity, which later became the foundation of their political ambitions.
1804 Jihad: The Fulani Takeover
Usman dan Fodio, a Fulani cleric, launched a jihad against the Hausa rulers, accusing them of corruption and failing to govern according to Islamic principles. The jihad was not just a religious movement but also a political war that led to the overthrow of Hausa kings and the installation of Fulani emirs in most parts of Northern Nigeria.
According to Wazirin Kano Abubakar Dokaji, the Fulani did not merely seize political power—they also restructured governance to consolidate their dominance. The system they implemented was organized by the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Bello, and was based on aristocracy—rule by an elite class. After the Fulani conquered these lands, they tightened their grip on power and did not relinquish it to the Hausa people.
Dokaji explains that the Fulani believed they had superiority over the Hausa in religion, politics, and worldly affairs. However, ironically, the Fulani adopted Hausa customs, wore Hausa clothing, prayed in Hausa-built mosques, and ruled from palaces originally constructed by the Hausa.
In this system, the Sultan of Sokoto was the ultimate authority over all other rulers. After Shehu Dan Fodio completed his jihad, he divided the conquered territories:
His son, Muhammadu Bello, controlled key Hausa territories, including Katsina, Kano, Zaria, and Bauchi—areas known as the Hausa Bakwai (Seven Hausa States).
His younger brother, Abdullahi, governed Argungu, Kebbi, Nupe, and parts of Yorubaland—known as Gwari or Banza Bakwai (Non-Hausa Seven States).
The Sultan of Sokoto had the power to appoint and remove kings if they misgoverned. Every year, these rulers were expected to pay homage and tributes to Sokoto.
> Source: Wazirin Kano, Abubakar Dokaji, in his book Kano ta Dabo Cigari
This indicates that even within the Sokoto Caliphate, the Hausa people were not given significant recognition.
The "Hausa-Fulani" Identity: A Political Invention?
The term Hausa-Fulani did not exist before colonial rule. It was introduced as a political tool to unify Northern Nigeria under a single identity. However, historical evidence suggests that it was later weaponized during the 1950s political struggle between the Northern People's Congress (NPC), led by Sir Ahmadu Bello, and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), led by Nnamdi Azikiwe.
During this period, the North faced political threats from Southern politicians who sought national dominance. To counter this, Ahmadu Bello and other Fulani elites promoted the Hausa-Fulani identity to rally the Hausa masses behind Fulani leadership. This strategy worked effectively, as many Hausa people accepted Fulani rule, believing they shared a common identity.
However, recent developments show that the Fulani elite no longer see the need for this shared identity. Instead, they are now forming exclusive Fulani organizations that focus solely on Fulani interests.
The Rise of Exclusive Fulani Organizations
In recent years, several Fulani-specific organizations have emerged, abandoning the broader Hausa-Fulani identity and emphasizing Fulani unity and power. These organizations include:
1. Fulbe Global Development and Rights Initiative (FGDRI) – A Fulani development group focused on Fulani interests.
2. Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) – Led by Baba Usman Ngelzarma, this group represents Fulani herders and advocates policies benefiting Fulani cattle rearers.
3. Jonde Jam Fulbe Youth Development Association – Led by Alhaji Sa’idu Makama, this group empowers Fulani youth and separates their identity from the Hausa.
4. Gan Allah Fulani Development Association (GAFDAN) – Led by Dr. Ibrahim Abdullahi, this group exclusively supports Fulani communities.
5. Kulen Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (KACRAN) – Led by Khalil Mohammed Bello, another Fulani-focused association with no Hausa representation.
6. Bundunka Fulbe Youth – Led by Murtala Jafaru Julde, this youth organization promotes Fulani unity and strength.
7. Honoro Tabithal Pulaku International – With prominent members like Khalifa Muhammadu Sanusi II and Isa Yuguda, this group strengthens Fulani identity internationally.
Unlike the old NPC strategy of presenting the Fulani as part of a broader Hausa-Fulani identity, these modern organizations clearly separate the Fulani from the Hausa.
Why Are the Fulani Dropping the Hausa-Fulani Identity?
Several factors explain this shift:
1. Political and Economic Power Consolidation – Just like in 1804, the Fulani elite want to keep power within their own ethnic group rather than sharing it with the Hausa.
2. Ethnic Conflicts and Farmer-Herder Clashes – The growing violence between Fulani herders and Hausa farmers has created a divide, making the Hausa-Fulani identity less useful.
3. Global Fulani Solidarity – Many Fulani elites now see themselves as part of a larger Fulani network across West Africa, reducing their connection to the Hausa.
4. Declining Influence of the Sokoto Caliphate – The Sokoto Caliphate once falsely claimed to unite the Hausa and Fulani under an Islamic empire. However, today, many Fulani leaders prioritize ethnic identity over religious leadership.
Conclusion: A Return to the Pre-1804 Power Struggle?
The modern separation of Hausa and Fulani identities reflects a return to the political reality before 1804. Just as Usman dan Fodio and his followers took power from the Hausa rulers, today’s Fulani elite are shedding the Hausa-Fulani label and consolidating their influence through exclusive organizations.
This shift raises important questions for the future:
Will the Hausa people continue to accept Fulani dominance, or will they push back and reclaim their identity?
How will this affect Northern Nigerian politics, especially in elections?
If the Fulani no longer see themselves as Hausa-Fulani, should the Hausa people also stop accepting Fulani rule?
What is clear is that the Hausa-Fulani identity was never a natural ethnic bond—it was a political strategy that served its purpose. Now that the Fulani elite are moving forward with their own agenda, it remains to be seen how the Hausa people will respond to this political and historical reality.
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