How the Fulani Dropped the "Hausa-Fulani" Identity and Began Forming Pure Fulani Organizations – A Reflection on 1804 and Beyond

  How the Fulani Dropped the "Hausa-Fulani" Identity and Began Forming Pure Fulani Organizations – A Reflection on 1804 and Beyond

✍🏾 *Madalla Kadiri, Zaar Activist*.

For decades, the term Hausa-Fulani has been used to describe the people of Northern Nigeria, suggesting a shared identity between the Hausa and Fulani ethnic groups. However, recent trends indicate that the Fulani elite are increasingly distancing themselves from this joint identity, forming exclusive Fulani organizations. This shift is not new—it echoes the events of 1804 when Usman dan Fodio led a Fulani jihad, seizing power from the Hausa rulers and establishing Fulani dominance.

But the question remains: Was the Hausa-Fulani identity ever genuine, or was it a strategic tool introduced by the Fulani to manipulate the Hausa politically? This is especially relevant when considering the NCNC-NPC rivalry of the 1950s, when Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, used the term as a political strategy to secure Northern dominance.

Before 1804: The Fulani in Hausa Land

Before the jihad of 1804, the Fulani lived among the Hausa people, but contrary to some narratives, they were not the primary Islamic scholars of the region. The Hausa states had well-established Islamic institutions long before the Fulani arrived. Cities like Kano, Katsina, and Zazzau had renowned Islamic scholars and judges who significantly contributed to the spread of Islam.

At that time, most Fulani were pastoralists who migrated across the region in search of grazing land. Some settled and assimilated into Hausa society, adopting the language and cultural practices. However, others maintained a distinct identity, which later became the foundation of their political ambitions.

1804 Jihad: The Fulani Takeover

Usman dan Fodio, a Fulani cleric, launched a jihad against the Hausa rulers, accusing them of corruption and failing to govern according to Islamic principles. The jihad was not just a religious movement but also a political war that led to the overthrow of Hausa kings and the installation of Fulani emirs in most parts of Northern Nigeria.

According to Wazirin Kano Abubakar Dokaji, the Fulani did not merely seize political power—they also restructured governance to consolidate their dominance. The system they implemented was organized by the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Bello, and was based on aristocracy—rule by an elite class. After the Fulani conquered these lands, they tightened their grip on power and did not relinquish it to the Hausa people.

Dokaji explains that the Fulani believed they had superiority over the Hausa in religion, politics, and worldly affairs. However, ironically, the Fulani adopted Hausa customs, wore Hausa clothing, prayed in Hausa-built mosques, and ruled from palaces originally constructed by the Hausa.

In this system, the Sultan of Sokoto was the ultimate authority over all other rulers. After Shehu Dan Fodio completed his jihad, he divided the conquered territories:

His son, Muhammadu Bello, controlled key Hausa territories, including Katsina, Kano, Zaria, and Bauchi—areas known as the Hausa Bakwai (Seven Hausa States).

His younger brother, Abdullahi, governed Argungu, Kebbi, Nupe, and parts of Yorubaland—known as Gwari or Banza Bakwai (Non-Hausa Seven States).

The Sultan of Sokoto had the power to appoint and remove kings if they misgoverned. Every year, these rulers were expected to pay homage and tributes to Sokoto.

> Source: Wazirin Kano, Abubakar Dokaji, in his book Kano ta Dabo Cigari

This indicates that even within the Sokoto Caliphate, the Hausa people were not given significant recognition.

The "Hausa-Fulani" Identity: A Political Invention?

The term Hausa-Fulani did not exist before colonial rule. It was introduced as a political tool to unify Northern Nigeria under a single identity. However, historical evidence suggests that it was later weaponized during the 1950s political struggle between the Northern People's Congress (NPC), led by Sir Ahmadu Bello, and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), led by Nnamdi Azikiwe.

During this period, the North faced political threats from Southern politicians who sought national dominance. To counter this, Ahmadu Bello and other Fulani elites promoted the Hausa-Fulani identity to rally the Hausa masses behind Fulani leadership. This strategy worked effectively, as many Hausa people accepted Fulani rule, believing they shared a common identity.

However, recent developments show that the Fulani elite no longer see the need for this shared identity. Instead, they are now forming exclusive Fulani organizations that focus solely on Fulani interests.

The Rise of Exclusive Fulani Organizations

In recent years, several Fulani-specific organizations have emerged, abandoning the broader Hausa-Fulani identity and emphasizing Fulani unity and power. These organizations include:

1. Fulbe Global Development and Rights Initiative (FGDRI) – A Fulani development group focused on Fulani interests.

2. Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) – Led by Baba Usman Ngelzarma, this group represents Fulani herders and advocates policies benefiting Fulani cattle rearers.

3. Jonde Jam Fulbe Youth Development Association – Led by Alhaji Sa’idu Makama, this group empowers Fulani youth and separates their identity from the Hausa.

4. Gan Allah Fulani Development Association (GAFDAN) – Led by Dr. Ibrahim Abdullahi, this group exclusively supports Fulani communities.

5. Kulen Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (KACRAN) – Led by Khalil Mohammed Bello, another Fulani-focused association with no Hausa representation.

6. Bundunka Fulbe Youth – Led by Murtala Jafaru Julde, this youth organization promotes Fulani unity and strength.

7. Honoro Tabithal Pulaku International – With prominent members like Khalifa Muhammadu Sanusi II and Isa Yuguda, this group strengthens Fulani identity internationally.

Unlike the old NPC strategy of presenting the Fulani as part of a broader Hausa-Fulani identity, these modern organizations clearly separate the Fulani from the Hausa.

Why Are the Fulani Dropping the Hausa-Fulani Identity?

Several factors explain this shift:

1. Political and Economic Power Consolidation – Just like in 1804, the Fulani elite want to keep power within their own ethnic group rather than sharing it with the Hausa.

2. Ethnic Conflicts and Farmer-Herder Clashes – The growing violence between Fulani herders and Hausa farmers has created a divide, making the Hausa-Fulani identity less useful.

3. Global Fulani Solidarity – Many Fulani elites now see themselves as part of a larger Fulani network across West Africa, reducing their connection to the Hausa.

4. Declining Influence of the Sokoto Caliphate – The Sokoto Caliphate once falsely claimed to unite the Hausa and Fulani under an Islamic empire. However, today, many Fulani leaders prioritize ethnic identity over religious leadership.

Conclusion: A Return to the Pre-1804 Power Struggle?

The modern separation of Hausa and Fulani identities reflects a return to the political reality before 1804. Just as Usman dan Fodio and his followers took power from the Hausa rulers, today’s Fulani elite are shedding the Hausa-Fulani label and consolidating their influence through exclusive organizations.

This shift raises important questions for the future:

Will the Hausa people continue to accept Fulani dominance, or will they push back and reclaim their identity?

How will this affect Northern Nigerian politics, especially in elections?

If the Fulani no longer see themselves as Hausa-Fulani, should the Hausa people also stop accepting Fulani rule?

What is clear is that the Hausa-Fulani identity was never a natural ethnic bond—it was a political strategy that served its purpose. Now that the Fulani elite are moving forward with their own agenda, it remains to be seen how the Hausa people will respond to this political and historical reality.

*Actualization of Zaar Chiefdom Achievement: Four Category of People to be Given Credit*.

 *Actualization of Zaar Chiefdom Achievement: Four  Category of People to be Given Credit*.

✍🏾 *Madalla Kadiri, Zaar Activist*.

*In Summary:*

1. *Our Ancestors:*

According to reliable historical record of relationship between Zaar and the  Bauchi Emirate, the extension of the caliphate to Bauchi followed the presentation of the staff of office to  Mallam Yakubu by Danfodio. Yakubu's expedition southwards Bauchi resulted in the conquest of the  state of Lere in C.1815. Other areas conquered included, Bijinawa, Barawa, Jakawa and Bankalawa, all  sub-groups of Jarawa. Eastwards, the attack on the Sayawa settlements met with stiff opposition owing  mainly to the nature of the terrain and the segmentary pattern of the Sayawa settlement (Aliyu, 1974).  Ikimi (1970) reports that the Sayawa sealed a friendship treaty with Yakubu at Inkil town with the  breaking of bows and arrows. 

In Jihad or Islamic law Muslims can only call for  friendship treaty or truce when they are weak and they require time to re-strategize, re-supply and re-build forces.  friendship treaty or truces are permissible and not obligatory. 

And during Jihad they  only call for peace when they are weak or at a disadvantage. 

Allah says" So do not be fainthearted and call for peace , when it is who the uppermost" Quran 47:35 

What should make a Muslim call for friendship treaty or  truce during Jihad is 

1- Weakness

2- Lack of numbers 

3- Lack of Materials 

4- Lack of hope of  his  enemy to convert  Islam 

Our Ancestors successfully resisted all foreign impostors who wanted to take over our  land under the pretext of religious ideology.

Credit should be given to them.

2. *Zauren Baba Gonto*

 The expedition of Yakubun Bauchi southwards Bauchi to conquer the area of Bijinawa, Barawa, Jakawa and Bankalawa, Jarawa, Sayawa was in  1815. Eastwards, the attack on only the Sayawa settlements was  met with stiff opposition.

In  1904, the Sudan United Mission came to Africa with the aim of the checking the further spread of Islam  to the African Sudanic belt. Dr. Kumm, the leader of the mission had warned other missionaries in  Northern Nigeria, that, "unless we do our duty these wards of ours will find their nemesis in the  cul-de-sac of Islam" (Boer 1964). The specific objective of the mission in Nigeria was to spread  Christianity in five 'fronts' among the Jukun of Wukari and Donga; the Tarok of Fantang, the Birom at  Du, the Mbula in Yola (Maxwell, 1952). A missionary station was established at Boi among the Zaar  in 1927, and later at Mwari in the area (Dauda, 1999). A great number of Zaar people

embraced Christianity within a short period of its introduction. Among the early converts were, Baba  Peter Gonto, Samaila Ma'aji, Haruna Samari, Ayuba Gobara and others. The early converts were taught  to read and write. These early literates later formed an organization known as the 'Committee of New  Rule'. (Sabon Mulki) in 1945 which later metarmophosed  to Zauren Gonto. The interval between coming of Islam and Christianity to Zaar land is almost 100 years, but Zaar people could not  embrace Islam like Christianity.

The early members represented their respective villages. For instance,  Peter Gonto represented Mwari, while Filibus Gaduniya and Yakubu Manzo represented Sum and  Bogoro respectively. 

It is particularly significant that the Christian missions were instrumental to the consolidation  of boundaries between the Zaar  and  Hausa-Fulani in Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro LGA. The missions utilized the  administratively created units as a basis for their own organization. The Church Missionary Society  ( CMS) and the Sudan Mission ( S I M ) therefore, contributed considerably to the creation of the  structure, which added impetus to the organizational establishment of the boundary. The major achievement of Zauren Gonto were as follows;

1. Sustaining  struggle for self determination from Bauchi Emirate inherited from our Ancestors.

2. Indigenization of District head of Lere  in the second republic etc 

After the death of  Baba Peter Gonto it leader,  Zauren Gonto that was formed with the purpose to sustain Zaar struggle for self determination from Bauchi Emirate became a tooth less bulldog. Zaar struggle was stagnated for many years,  they were hurriedly disbanded to parve way for the selection of Community Leader which later metarmophosed to Ghun Zaar select.

Credit should be given to them.

3. *Lar Family of Plateau State*.  

Lar Family of Plateau State has help Zaar land a lot and  I always call them silent achievers in Zaar struggle, they were Zaar lawyers for almost 4 decades. Chief Solomon Daushep Lar before he became Plateau State Governor in the second republic, he was a Zaar lawyer,  he defended Zaar land many times in Nigerian court and won, during Babalakin Commission of Enquiry into the 1991 crisis Zaar land seek the assistance of Solomon Daushep Lar and he  was able to send his brother Barr. Stephen Lar to represent Zaar land. Barr Stephen Lar was the Zaar Lawyer during Babalakin Commission of Enquiry into the 1991 crisis, he successfully defended our land,  Zauren Gonto and other people arrested where discharge and acquitted, Babalakin Commission of Enquiry was able to  recommend for the creation of Zaar Chiefdom out of Bauchi,  somebody that fail woefully in defending  Hon. Habila Lumana and he was sacked as Chairman is  now busy  claiming the credit.

Credit should be given to them.

4. *Ghun Zaar select and his Council*.

The selection of Ghun Zaar was to usher in a new era of Zaar struggle for self determination from Bauchi Emirate and also to end the  era of Zauren Baba  Gonto which have stagnated Zaar struggle for almost  two decade. Whether we like it or not the short reign of Ghun Zaar select Air Commodore Ishaku Komo and his Council in Zaar land have recorded a tremendous achievement in the area of Zaar struggle for self determination from Bauchi Emirate, it was during Ghun Zaar select reign that Zaar Chiefdom law 2011 was passed into law by the Bauchi State House of Assembly and  Governor Isah Yuguda give assent, it was during the same Ghun Zaar reign that all the lacuna in the Zaar Chiefdom law 2011 is being re-amended by the current governor with a promise that  he will actualized Zaar Chiefdom.

His reign as Ghun Zaar select have bring a lot of development in Zaar land, it was during his reign that Zaar Man became a Speaker House of Representative, Executive Secretary Tetfund, Justice of the Supreme court, Zaar Man became Chairman of Tafawa Balewa LGA after Hon. Habila Lumana etc,  many roads were constructed and  tarred during his reign as Ghun Zaar in Zaar land. 

The short reign of  Ghun Zaar Air Commodore Ishaku Komo and his Council  is synonymous with that of king Solomon, the bible recorded that Solomon's reign was an era of unprecedented prosperity due to his wisdom, a quality bestowed upon him by God. 

*Zaar land has already undergone structural change beyond recognition under the  Current Ghun Zaar Select*.

Credit should be given to them.

*Zaar Traditional Belief System*

✍🏾 *Madalla Kadiri, Zaar Activist*.

*Introduction*:

Zar (Sayawa land) is located in the southern part of present Bauchi town, precisely in the south west. Administratively the area is divided into two Local Government Areas: Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro Local Government. The whole area used to be known as Lere District. The area shares boundaries with Dawaki and Kabwir in the southern part of Plateau State. The Zar (Sayawa) and the Angas are neighbours in Kabwir and Dawaki. They often engage in a joking relationship, each claiming to be the “master” while the other a “slave”. Dass Local Government is located in the West and Bauchi Local Government in the North. The most dominant feature of the area is the Gongola River which together with its tributaries such as Lere, Maijuju, Jarawa and Bagel rivers forms the main drainage pattern of the region Dauda (2012).

*Zaar Traditional Belief System*

The Zaar indigenous environment into which Christianity and Islam arrived was deeply  religious; there was that strong awareness of and belief in the existence of a  supreme Being (Chong Fyali or Chongvon), conceived as the maker and sustainer of the universe and  with whom humans tried to establish constant ties.  The  conception and belief in Supreme Being (Chong Fyali or Chongvon) and complex systems of beliefs in  the spiritual qualities of nature are the two significant traits which  characterizes Zaar traditional Religion. The nature of Zaar traditional  religion, as expressed in Zaar communities in the olden days is very communal and  pragmatic, which implies that people born into the Zaar  traditional community  were also born into the religion, in which they, naturally, participated as  they grew up through the traditional socialization processes, therefore,  Zaar traditional  Religion is part and parcel of Zaar culture.  The ancient mode of belief and worship in Zaar land  is what is currently regarded as Zaar traditional religion. In Zaar Traditional religion it is belief that the spirit of their ancestors reside in the inanimate objects. Blood  sacrifice using small animals such as chicken was common among the Zaar, this was done to seek for 

ancestral protection and appease the gods in times of trouble. Such rituals were performed  in designated places  in Zaar Villages of Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro LGA of Bauchi State by village Priest Chief (Seng wari).

Seng Wari was  a custodian of Zaar cultural heritage  who exercised Spiritual,  political power over the Zaar society. 

 

Liturgical 

components of Zaar Traditional Religions.

Antiquity, religion has always been one of the dominant elements of culture 

in every human society. Indeed, evidence of religious practice has been traced to 

the Stone Age during the time of the Neanderthal man. In Africa, religion as a

fundamental aspect of peoples’ culture permeates every aspect of life. Performing of rites are the essential liturgical 

components of all traditional religions. In Zaar Traditional religion of the cosmological system of the Zaar  North East Nigeria,  performing  rites is a integral aspect of  religious practices. Basically the major liturgical 

components of Zaar Traditional religion are as follows;

Rite of Seed dedication (Waktari) , Rite of havest (Lepm Zaar),  initiation rite (sirr) Rite of Passage ( Dead), Oath taking rite  (Durr),  Marriage rite, Zaar Traditional selection rite of Seng wari etc.

*Waktari  (Zaar Traditional Rite  of Seed Dedication)*.

The Festival of Seed Dedication, also known as "Ember Days" or "Compostela", is a traditional festival celebrated in some African countries, including Nigeria. It is usually held in April or May which marks the beginning of the planting season.

During the festival in Zaar land in the olden days farmers offer sacrifices and prayers to the gods (Chong Fyal or Chonvon), seeking blessings and protection for their crops. They also come together to share knowledge, exchange seeds, and strengthen social bonds.

The seed dedication rite period was an important cultural event that promotes agricultural productivity, community harmony, and spiritual connection with nature. It was wonderful celebration of the cycle of life and the importance of seeds in sustaining our lives.

The festival is part of Zaar cultural heritage inherited from there Ancestors. Waktari  Traditional Festival of Seed Dedication is done every  year in April.

Zaar  are mostly found  in  Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro Local Government of Bauchi State, North East Nigeria that still observed festival of seed dedication.

The festival is   one of  the oldest surviving cultural heritage of  Zaar were  

traditional rite of  seed dedication was being carried out.

According to tradition performing the traditional rites  of  seed dedication festival  mark the end of harvest and rest after harvest, while ushering in another  new season of planting.

During the  traditional rites  of  seed dedication (Waktari) our ancestors perform some certain rituals and dedication on seeds to be planted in  the next season to idols with the believe of receiving blessings from the gods (Chong Fyali or Chongvon) of there Ancestors by the Seng wari assisted by Elders (Mhn Varanshi) and Masquerade.

Due to the coming of Christianity there is  a significant changes in how traditional rite of seed dedication festival (Waktari) festival is celebrated in Zaarland. Each village use to perform there own rite of seed dedication, the reason why  it was being done at the village level it is because there was no central administration to unite the Zaar, each village was independent from each other, the administration of Zaar community was not beyond village level, but today  the rite of seed dedication festival have Been centralized. Nowadays the traditional rite of seed dedication festival (Waktari) is done in the heart of Tafawa Balewa LGA, Bauchi State the ancestry headquarters of  Zaar people.

The Zaar people,  friends of Zaar and tourists worldwide gather each year April  at  the heart of Tafawa Balewa, the ancestry headquarters Zaar  to participate in  the traditional rite  of seed dedication festival.

Nowadays, certain rituals and idolatry have been done away with in the  traditional rites  of  seed dedication cultural festival (Waktari), seeds  for the next planting season are dedicated to Almighty  God, prayers offered  seeking blessings and protection for their crops and papers  presented are not relevant to the festival. 

Zaar Traditional rite  of Harvest (Lepm Zaar).

The Lepm Zaar Festival is a ancient traditional rite of harvest that was perform each year by the Zaar  people of  Bauchi State North East Nigeria, the traditional rite was typically held at the end of the rainy season in October.

According to tradition performing the  rites  of of the harvest  mark the beginning of  harvest season and beginning of consumption of  new crops, in the olden days in Zaar land  new crops are not consumed until traditional rite of harvest have been perform.

The traditional rite of harvest was perform after sighting of month.

Performing the rite of harvest was  also a  celebration of the harvest season and the abundance of new crops. Crops  are a staple food in West Africa and are considered a symbol of wealth and prosperity. 

In the olden days in Zaar communities. The wealth, riches of a typical wealthy Man was measured  by number of traditional storage facility (Fung) full of grain especially guinea corn, wives  and Children he has.

Traditional rite of the harvest festival was  a time for feasting, merrymaking, and thanksgiving in  all Zaar  villages. Food was prepared in abundance and taken to designated areas, where people had gathered.

Rituals were performed to express gratitude to gods (Chong Fyali or Chongvon) for the harvest and to ensure a bountiful harvest in the future,  a lot of masquerades come out during the festival,different cultural  performances were done from morning till the next day  such as singing, dancing and moving from house to house. The festival normally last for more than two weeks. Youth could move to another village singing and dancing for a week. Only dishes made from old crops were served during the festival.

The performing the rite of harvest was  significant because it symbolizes bumper harvest  and the gratitude of the Zaar  community to  gods (Chon Fyali or Chongvon) for the harvest . It was  also a time for Zaar community bonding and cultural expression. 

Performing the rite of harvest festival was normally done by the Priest Chief (Seng wari) assisted by Elders (Mhn Varanshi) and masquerade.

*Rites of Passage (Death)*: 

The Zaar had different funeral ceremonies for the young, elderly, and chiefs. The young were mourned with deep sorrow and grief for three days. An elderly person’s burial was followed by ceremonies which included different types of dances by both men and women. The in-laws of the deceased brought goats and the like which were slaughtered for what was known as ‘Sadaka’ (appeasing  of the gods). These animals were slaughtered on the third or fourth day when the ‘Sadaka’ was done. 

The mourning for the death of a chief often lasted for about seven days. Goats and rams were slaughtered and some rituals carried out. The blood of the slaughtered animals was also cooked and eaten by the family of the deceased. 

According to Zaar Tradition a death person is buried the  day he die,  mourning a deceased normally takes three (3) days, the first day is for burial and  receiving of  condolence greating from people, the second day is to receive condolence greating and third day is for  burial ceremony and is the  last day of the mourning, a big ceremony was  organized by the family, each day neighbors will prepare food and drinks such as  Growel (wul) and beer ( Du) take it to house, if it is an Elderly man a big burial ceremony will be organized,it is  on this day that the Seng wari will perform some certain ritual on his property (Satkhn War), it is a believe in Zaar Traditional religion that if the  rituals is not perform on his property it  will not be shared as inheritance by his family and anyone that touch his property something bad will happen to him, a goat was normally requested by the Seng wari to perform the death ritual.

In Zaar traditional religion, death is not seen  as an end to a person rather a transition to another world. An elderly person  who died devoid of any taboo is said to have joined the ancestors. The  ancestors are believed in Zar traditional religion to be spirits of their  fore fathers, they are no longer visible in the sense that they have become  spirits but they still play dormant role in the running of the affairs of the  family to which they belong, while still here an earth they receive sacrifices  from them from time to time. Awolalu (1987) posits that Africans like all  other mortals, know that life is not interminable; and so hold tenaciously to  the belief that death does write finish to life. Man is composed of body  which is physical and tangible as well as soul which in intangible and  indestructible. While the former is temporal and mortal and can suffer  decay and destruction, the latter which is the essence of being is intangible  and immortal.  

In realization of this fact, Temple (1969) asserts that no one can hope to  appreciate the thoughts and feelings of the Blackman who does not realize  that to him the dead are not dead but living. The Zaar  people belief  that if  they treat corpses and the funeral ceremonies  accorded the deceased. The deceased (who dies a good death) is washed,  dressed in clean white clothes and is buried in graves within or near  the family  compound. Thus, confirming that the departed are still part of the living  members of the extended family, and their spirits can be evoked at will. 

Christianity came with new rituals for the burial of Christians. The liturgy  for burial reflected the Christian beliefs in eternal life, resurrection and the  communion of saints, as stated in the Apostles' Creed. The Christian funeral  was a new cultural experience in Zaar land in which texts from the Bible were  read and new hymns sung. The funeral rites and rituals as obtainable in  Zaar traditional  setting is seen by Christians as heathen or paganism. 

It is worthy to note that it is in Zaar traditional religion and cultural  practices that moral codes are derived, and they are actualized in the rites  that were observed.

*Marriage Rite*:

The traditional marriage institution was a vital link and bond  that sustained and strengthened kinship ties within Zaar communities.  In the Zaar cultural setting, the marriage between two individuals was  understood as a means of initiation or cementing the union of the  households and clan from which the couple belonged. In Zaar traditional  settings, marriage unites not only the woman and the man; it connects and  links families and clans. The process of marriage was characterized by rites  of transactions through which the marrying individuals were welcomed  into social adulthood. Tokens in kind (dowry) were exchanged as part of  these transactions, to cement the social relationships and seal the union.  According to Dauda (2012) there were basically three types of marriage recognized by Zar (Sayawa) traditions. These were marriage through parental betrothal (Ghdshillygh); elopement (vuh nghn ghd) and marriage by inheritance (GhdKghni),  but I add one (1) which is Marriage by exchange (Ghd Shimghn).

*Betrothal  by Parents (Ghdshilli)*:

This type of marriage was arranged by both  parent of the boy and the Girl, the boy  father agreed with a pregnant woman or her husband and betrothal gifts were given if the  baby born was a girl signifying that she was his son’s wife, according to Zaar cultural heritage the bethrotal gift  given was  big calabash of guinea corn to the parents of the girl. This was to signify that he  has marked her for his son. When the girl is  about ten years old  she will be taken to the boy’s house for three days  during ‘Lhm’ Zaar (Sayawa Annual Cultural Festival) to be introduced to her fiancé. This practice will be continuously  done in  every ‘Lhm’ Zaar until they are  finally joined in marriage at adolescent stage, the girl continiously visit the boy’s house during the famous Zar (Sayawa) annual festival known as “Lihm Zar”. During the visit the boy was expected to sow a leather apron (lat) for the girl. It was the type of cloth that was commonly worn by women. This type of visit was known as “yelghn Bihlyghn”. The girl normally stays for a day or two. Throughout the period of her stay, she sleeps with the boy’s mother or relations, before both of them will  reach adolescent stage to be join together as husband and wive, the boy parent will  continue to take  gifts to the parents of the girl yearly. After this first process, the boy and his peer group will be farming for the parents of the girl. This was known as “Jidightih”. There was no fixed number of times that the boy will be farming for the parents of the girl. This was dependent on the girl’s parents. However, it ranges from three to four times a year. This was done during weeding, ploughing and harvesting of crops. In some cases, it was the boy that would ask the parents of the girl, whether there was any work on the farm to do (Interview: Aniya 1999).The food to be eaten in the farm was prepared by the boy’s parents. A young lady carried the food to the farm. In some cases where farmland was large and far away from the village, the peer group slept on the farm and continued with the farm work the following day. It was more honourable to finish the whole farm, whether it was weeding or harvesting (Interview: Dauda 1999) .A year before the lady will finally come to her husband’s house, the boy will farm a cereal known as “Accha” (popularly known as hungry rice). The farm belongs to the lady and she was to weed it. In the dry season, the lady visits the boy’s house. The purpose of the visit was to build their own room. She actively participates in the building by fetching water to mix the clay. Since the architectural design was simple, a round hut, every able- bodied male knew how to build it.Dowry was in the form of labour rendered on the girl’s parents’ farm. And a special dish was lavishly prepared with goat meat. This was taken to the in-laws house. The food was normally consumed by the in-laws and relations. Once this was. done the process was over, and the lady was taken to the boy s house (Interview. Dauda).

Toward the final wedding day, goats or a cow was slaughtered by the boy’s parents and taken to the girl’s family.  

*Elopement (vumnghn ghd) *:

This is a type of marriage  in Zaar land in the olden days where a man forcefully takes a girl or a woman promised or married to some one. In some cases, the girl or the woman was not forced, but willingly accepted to go with the man, if she did not love the man her parents wanted her to marry or her initial husband. 

Elopement  was commonly practiced by the Zaar. In some cases, in spite of the betrothal by parents and commencement of farm works by the boy, someone will be befriending the lady secretly. Later the boy and the girl will arrange to meet in a specific place. And from there the boy will decide to elope with the lady. Normally the girl was kept in a close relation’s house. The parents of the boy were the first to be informed about the new wife. Later the wife will be brought to the husband’s house with a shout of Kwaraah! Kwarah!! Kwaraah!!! Etc. Cotton was normally thrown at the door of the house. The white cotton symbolises good luck. Any passer-by seeing the cotton will know that a new wife has been brought to that compound. The parents of the girl will be informed after three or seven days about the whereabouts of their daughter.Another type of elopement occurs when a boy meets a girl and both of them like each other. The boy will decide to carry her to unknown destination. After two or three days, the parents of the boy will inform the parents of the girl about it.Inheritance was another common marriage in the Zaar traditional society. This is a situation whereby a man takes the widow of his late elder brother. There was no bride price paid again. But if the woman refused to marry a relation of her late husband, the family of the late husband will demand for the bride price that was paid on her.Formal dissolution of marriage was rare among the Zaar except on the grounds of witchcraft (yirgharn). A man who feels uncomfortable with his wife, instead of divorcing her will marry another one. In the same vein, a woman who feels dissatisfied with her husband will decide to elope with another man. In the traditional society, to be able to marry somebody's wife was seen as an act of bravery. A fortune could smile on somebody’s face through bountiful harvest and the person will boast of being able to marry somebody else’s wife and pay the dowry. Thus, the temptation to marry more wives when the economy was good was high among the people.

*Marriage by Inheritance (GhdKhni)*:

Marriage by inheritance (GhdKhni)   is a marriage between the wife of a deceased and a member of the family of the deceased. Normally this type of marriage did not require any further bride price on the side of the man given the wife.  

This type of marriage that was mostly widely practice in Zaar land in accordance with Zaar culture and traditions, Zaar culture and traditions permit that if a husband of a woman die, the brother of the deceased or close relation have the right to inherit the wife  by marrying her if the woman accepted, there are  many reasons that necessited this kind  of marriage, the popular one among them is  that the wive will stay in her  late husband house to concentrate in  taking  care of her children born with the late  deceased. In  some culture this type marriage was  done to continue the lineage of the deceased incase the don't  have children with the wive  before he  die and  children born with the  new husband which is a Brother or close relation of  the deceased husband  belong to the deceased. In Zaar culture and traditions dowry was not  paid, the   husband Brother or close who has interest will seek only  the consent of  the widow for hand in marriage and if the woman accepted,  he will inform his  family  members and the  family of the woman   his  position,  if  accepted  a day will be fixed which the woman will prepare food and drinks, the drink will be either alcohol (Du) or Growel (Wul) and take it to the new husband place in a big Calabash (kwot Gumba), the food and drinks will be shared and all the  family members will pronounce a blessing on the marriage. 

*Marriage by exchange (Ghd Shimghn)*.

Marriage by exchange (Ghd Shimghni)

this is a type of marriage in which  two men exchange their sisters among themselves as  wife and it did not  involve any bride price.

This type of marriage was usually done to strengthen relationship between families.

Generally, there were age-long customs and practices in marriage rites, but  Christianity came and changed all these. The Christian wedding was  introduced as a new experience in Zaar cultural and religious life. It was  performed in the church, following a liturgy that was new to Zaar religious practice. The Christian wedding came as a new cultural  experience in which the bridal party wore new clothes indicative of the new  culture; new foods and drinks were served at the celebration, such as  wedding cakes. 

*Initiation rite (Sirr)*:

The spirit masquerade was  charged with the 

responsibility of enforcing legislative and executive functions/decisions, 

however, this was done in conjunction with members of specific Age grade 

groups, the Mhn Varanshi (elders), the Seng Wari (priest). In this way, for the proper 

functioning of the system, a sort of cult of adherents was formed and this is found 

in the initiated young adults of the community. This process is known as Sirr (initiation in the world and workings of the spirits). In most 

communities this was  done simultaneously with the initiation into the first Age 

group. In others, the initiates were  made members of the 

First age group once they are considered old enough to engage into menial and 

sanitary works for the community.

From the above, the Age grade organisation forms was  an 

important institution. This is because 

the individual at every stage of life has a series of duties and obligations to 

others in society as well as a set of rights: namely, things that he or she could 

expect or demand from other individuals as well as welfare and security issues, 

it is in line with this that entry into these grade were meant for “men”. Age is a 

most important factor determining the extent of rights and obligations. The 

oldest members of society were highly respected and usually in authority; and 

the idea of seniority through age was reflected in the presence of age grades and 

age-sets in a great many African societies. Circumcision (Sirr) meant initiation into 

society and into adulthood. From that moment, a man was placed with other in 

his own age group. Usually, there was at least three age grades, corresponding 

roughly to the young, the middle-aged and the old. Thus in the area and 

surrounding territories the following corresponding grades exists. 

According to Zaar cultural heritage  it is an abomination for any woman to see the circumcised male private part. For this reason, boys between the ages of seven  and ten years to non Sayawa (Fulani, Hausa or Jhar) settlements for circumcision. However, all those circumcised during the Sirr were expected to go for the major circumcision ceremony (Sirr Vari). 

The Sirr Vari lasted for about three months. It served as a period of  initiation  into manhood, as well as training camp for life in the society. During the Sirr Vari, boys in groups were camped in the forest far away from home. The boys were gathered in a village and taken to the forest for the circumcision. The stayed there until their wounds were completely healed, and were brought back home in a big ceremony. Those that had not gone through this process were considered as women  (Gazzm). 

*Naming  Rite*

Traditionally, the Sayawa people had no naming ceremony for new born babies. If the child was the first baby of the young couples, it was usually the parents of the couples that gave name to the child. Customarily, the parents of the child were shy to name their new baby. Names were given based on situations and ciscumstances. A child born during circumcision period might be named ‘Dassir’ which literally means circumcision. ‘ Damuntsi’ was a name given to a child born during masquerade festival,  Da-kusung was a name given to a child born during period of hunger, Da-mindi was a name given to a child born during the period of Small pox disease, Da-kushi, Da-vari, Da-dhn etc. for the Female Child names were given to them like Na-yiri, Na-sheta, Na-nyih, Na-nzhel 

Oath taking rite  (Durr).

Oath taking rite  (Durr) is a Zaar Traditional oath taking rite on moral values where each Zaar  villages use to gather two times  yearly in the olden days in a designated place on top of  a hill to review the entire standard moral values set  by the community and  renew there oath to abide by  it.

Zaar culture is embedded in strong moral considerations.  It has a system of various beliefs and customs which every individual ought  to keep in order to live long and to avoid bringing curses on them and  others. Adultery, witchcraft, stealing and other forms of immoral behaviour are  strongly discouraged.  In the olden days in Zaar land  whenever a suspected offender denies a charge  brought against him, he would be made to take an oath for proof of  innocence is crystal.

during the Oath taking rite(Durr) Capital punishment were given to the persons  that  commit capital offence  like witchcraft and others, the punishment for witchcraft was that the person affected will be banished entirely from the village.

According to Zaar cultural heritage Taghn  Durr is a traditional Executive and legislative town hall  Council  meeting of the Zaar community,   it is  the  Supreme Council of the land, any decision agreed in this meeting was final, the traditional Executive and legislative town hall  Council  comprised of Elders (Mhn Varanshi), Age grades and Mumtsi. 

The meeting of the council was known as “Durr” during this meeting, the council used to reaffirm their oath of allegiance to the community and new members of the community  take the oath of allegiance. The council used to promulgate laws and orders, strengthen the army and discipline the subjects accordingly. Other duties of the council included formulation of new laws and policies, interpretation the  new laws and  policies that will promote and  maintain peace and order in the community, checking and ensuring that law and order were strictly abided. They could decide on what penalty should be imposed on any culprits who broke the law of the land. They also deliberated on issues affecting the traditional structural set up,  political aspect of  Zaar community, offer instantly  solutions to any problems. 

According to Zaar cultural heritage the most elders (Jendhm) will first address the people, before the seng wari will address them, followed by mhn varanshi (elders), Followed by Mhn Lhb, Mbonyi etc.

After the  taghn Dur,the Mumtsi will throw  stone three (3) times and after that they will inspect their boundaries with neighboring village.  The boundary will be inspected and three (3) big stone known as  Rwam) will be put around the  boundary.

After the inspection of the border with other community, the whole community will go to the most  Elderly (Jendhm) of the community and  then, the Seng Wari house for refreshment, it is  at  the  to Seng Wari house that the whole community will pay homage to the Seng Wari and the  Elders of the land.

The dur are of two types as follows

1  .Dur na lundumi

2. .Na Patsiwa

1. *Dur na lundumi*:-This was done immediately after Waktari Seng Wari will gather all people in the villages to offer them advice for preparation of the farming season.

2. *Dur na Patsiwa*:-This was done before Lepm Zaar seng wari will gather his  people and advice them  not to destroy crops.

 

*Zaar Traditional Selection Rite of Seng wari*. 

Politically, the Sayawa people lived in independent self-governing villages. The Head of administration of a village (Gung) was also the Chief Priest (Seng  Wari). He was assisted by  Elders (Mhn Varanshi)  the Mhn Varanshi contain Mhn Lhb, Mbonyi, Kwari etc. later the office of the Gung and Chief Priest was separated to move with time. Today, the Chief of a village who is called ‘Gung’ administer with the aid of a council of chiefs along the pattern obtained in Bauchi Emirate.

The Zaar Traditional selection rite of our traditional ruler and it's function is clearly spelt out  in our  Cultural heritage that Politically,  in the olden days Zaar recognized Seng  Wari as traditional rulers who   heads the   administrative affairs of Zaar villages, the Priest Chief (Seng Wari) System  was regarded as  Ancient Traditional institutions in Zaar land which date back to centuries.  The military  activities in Zaar land were  based  upon  the  use  of  traditional  weapons  such  as  bows and  arrows, spears  etc while   the  economic   activities   range   from   agricultural   to   non-agricultural occupation  such as farming, black smith, hunting, pottery etc.

Seng Wari was a custodian of cultural heritage  who exercised Spiritual,  political power over the Zaar society. 

Every family or clan appointed its own traditional ruler (Seng Wari) who acted as its Spiritual,  political  head. The appointment was based upon criteria such as dedication, loyalty, hard work, bravery and acceptable moral virtues approved by the most elderly know as Jendhm (Magaji Gari in Hausa) based on the recommendation of the Elders (Mhn Varanshi) of the village. Jendhm (Magajin Gari) currently is a senior royal title holder and  Kingmaker in Zaar Villages today.

The Zaar elders were the kingmakers in Zaar Villages. Under the Zaar culture the decision of the Elders who are the kingmakers was final in  regard to  Zaar traditional selection rite of Seng wari and any other decision which the community may take. The Youth and adult age grades don't  have right to challenge the  decision of Elders.

The selection of new traditional ruler (Seng wari) was  solely the duty of  the elders (Mhn Varanshi) headed by the most elderly in the village, the process was  done secretly through the performance of some certain  rituals.

The traditional Ruler (Seng Wari) was assisted by the elderly class (Mhn Varanshi) who served as an advisory body and Masquerade (Mumtsi) who   enforce legislative and executive functions/decisions with members of specific Age grade groups.

The Seng Wari played several roles for the day to day running of the 

Zaar society. Prominent among the duties  of Seng Wari were;

1.  Demarcation of boundaries between families.

2.  Settling  of disputes that arose among aggrieved clans. 

3. They were in charge of stranger in Zaar communities. 

4. They received visitors and offered them necessary 

assistance. 

 

Due to the successful  merging of Zaarland with the Emirate in 1916 the office of Seng wari was abolished and replace with office of Sarki (Ghun), the Priest Chief (Seng Wari) System was tagged as animist and outdated political system,  Emirate titles holders were adopted  such as Madaki, Ciroma, Waziri among others to replace Elders as advisers and kingmakers, but that is not an excuse to jettison our ancient traditional selection rite of Zaar traditional ruler.

*Madalla Kadiri Dinki,  currently is a  Independent Contributor to People of Nigeria book project on Sayawa History*. 

Usman Fodiye is not a Nigerian. His Caliphate Does not Extend to Sayawa Ancestral headquarter Tafawa Balewa: A Reply to Prof. Salisu Shehu

  

✍🏾 Madalla Kadiri, Zaar Activist.

Usman Fodiye was born on December 1754 in  Maratta in the olden days Gobir Dynasty to the family of Muhammad Fodiye, His Father was a scholar from the Toronkawa clan, which had emigrated from Futa-Toro in Senegal about the 15th century and settled in Maratta. Currently Maratta is  under Niger republic not Nigeria as it is written in all Nigerian history books. According to Kadiri (2024)  "Generally, people were identify, recognize and distinguish through there  Clans tribal mark not colonial geographical demarcation of  boundaries. The issue of identifying, recognizing and distinguishing people through Colonial geographical  demarcation of  boundaries started during the colonial era, where land of Africa was partition and shared by Colonial masters among themselves during the Berlin conference from 1884-1885". Maratta prior to colonial era, the area use to be   an extension of Gobir dynasty and the reason was  because one of the clan of Gobir dynasty were  living there and  pay  homage to Emir of Gobir, but due to  boundary demarcation and adjustment during the colonial era  the area was put   under Niger republic not Nigeria.

I challenge   you Prof. Salisu Shehu to come out with facts and dispute my assertion that Maratta the  village where Danfodio was born is not  currently  under  Niger republic.  

According to Scholars like Ado Mahamman a Professor of History at the Abdulmuni Diof University Niamey, Niger he said that When young Usman  reach the age to enrolled in Quranic School His father send him to Dagel south of Maratta in   the olden days Gobir Dynasty and  that time there was no country  like Nigeria, but other Scholars argue that While he was still young, Usman moved south with his family to Degel, where he studied the Qurʾān with his father. 

Degel is currently under Nigeria located in  Sokoto  State.

He didn't study Quran from one scholar, he moved from one teacher  to other studying Quran   in the traditional way.  He was  taught also by Hausa Islamic scholars. One of his  powerful intellectual and religious influence  was his teacher in the southern Saharan city of Agadez, Jibrīl ibn ʿUmar, a radical figure whom Usman both respected and criticized and by whom he was admitted to the Qādirī and other Ṣūfī orders.

About 1774–75 Usman began his active life as a teacher, and for the next 12 years he combined study with peripatetic teaching and preaching in Kebbi and Gobir, followed by a further five years in Zamfara. 

Throughout the 1780s and ’90s Usman’s reputation increased, as did the size and importance of the community that looked to him for religious and political leadership. Particularly closely associated with him were his younger brother, Abdullahi, who was one of his first pupils, and his son, Muhammad Bello, both distinguished teachers and writers. But his own scholarly clan was slow to come over to him. Significant support appears to have come from the Hausa peasantry. Their economic and social grievances and experience of oppression under the existing dynasties. 

In 1790s, when Usman seems to have lived continuously at Degel and gain more followers he create a parallel government within Gobir Dynasty with Headquarter in Dagel,   and authoritatively permitted   his followers to be Armed acquiring the characteristics of a state within the state.

About 1797–98 Sultan Nafata, the Sultan of Gobir Dynasty reversed the liberal policy he had adopted toward him 10 years earlier and issued his historic proclamation forbidding  Usman Danfodiye from preaching in the whole of Gobir Dynasty.

In his quest to rule  by force Usman Fodiye  launched a war to capture power and land in Hausaland of northern Nigeria  in 1804. The war that  was launched by Usman Fodiye was  not a  religious war (jihad)  as it is erroneously written in Nigerian history books. 

According to Ado Mahamman a Professor of history at the Abdulmumini Diof University Niamey,  Niger in his interview with Garzali Abdu Tasawa  a veteran DW Hausa correspondent in Niamey Niger some years back titled:"The history of Katsina Maradi of Niger and Katsina of Nigeria", the Historian Argued  that the war launched by Usman Fodiye in 1804  to capture power and land in Hausaland   was  not a  religious war (jihad)  as it is erroneously written in Nigerian history books, because Islamically Jihad is only lunch on non Moslem, not those who have accept Islam, even the non Moslem  if there is peace  agreement (pact) in accordance with what Sharia dictate religious war (jihad) will not be  declared on them.The  Hausa environment where Usman Fodiye launched to capture power and land under the pretext  of religious war (jihad)  was deeply  religious in Islam. Islam was more than 400 year in Hausa before  Usman Fodiye launched war in Hausaland to capture power and land. All the Emirs in Hausaland were Moslems, Gobarau Minerat and Kano Mosque in front of Kano Emir Palace and other Islamic architecture and monument in Hausaland was already built before Usman Fodiye  father emigrated from Senegal, the third largest Islamic University in Africa located in Yantodo present day Katsina with world class Islamic scholars  after Al'aqsar Islamic University Egypt and Islamic University Timbuktu was already built, it was destroyed  and all the Scholars got  killed 

by Usman Fodiye and his  Son Muhammad Bello for  opposing  the Jihad of Usman Fodiye that it was not in accordance with Islamic religion teaching he concluded. The Hausa Emirs were defeated and Fulani appointed as Emirs.

 in 1812  an empire was established called the Sokoto Caliphate, composed of emirates and sub Emirates, many of which were built on the sites of previous Hausa states. 

The extension of the caliphate to Bauchi followed the presentation of the staff of office to  Mallam Yakubu by Danfodio. Yakubu's expedition southwards Bauchi resulted in the conquest of the  state of Lere in C.1815. Other areas conquered included, Bijinawa, Barawa, Jakawa and Bankalawa, all  sub-groups of Jarawa. Eastwards, the attack on the Sayawa settlements met with stiff opposition owing  mainly to the nature of the terrain and the segmentary pattern of the Sayawa settlement (Aliyu, 1974).  Ikimi (1970) reports that the Sayawa sealed a friendship treaty with Yakubu at Inkil town with the  breaking of bows and arrows. 

According to Moses E. Ochonu in his book "Colonialism by proxy: Hausa Imperial agents and middle belt consciousness in Nigeria"  Muhammad Nya  lead similar war  to capture power and land in Benue/Taraba areas but him and his followers face resistance in 1875 - 1895 like how Yakubun Bauchi  face a successful resistance in Zaar land present day Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro LGA in Southern Bauchi State.

It took the British till the 1930s to conquer the whole of Middle Belt and merge it with the North. 

Sayawa land was successfully merge with the Emirate by the British in 1916 not  conquered by Sokoto Caliphate as it is erroneously written in Nigerian history books as a  result of promulgation of  Native Authority Ordinance by the British and  Tafawa Balewa native authority was created, before then the  Sayawa sealed  friendship treaty with Yakubu at Inkil town with the  breaking of bows and arrows have already been broken, there was no peace treaty between them again as a result of constant random  raid of  some selected Sayawa settlement to collect tax and Slaves by Bauchi Emirate . In  the  same 1916  district head was appointed from Bauchi Emirate on the instructions of British government to live in Tafawa Balewa and oversee Tafawa Balewa native authority. 

 Ownership of Tafawa Balewa Town.

 The Sayawa have many  "incontrovertible archaeological evidence" to prove that they have live in Tafawa Balewa Town since the era of stone age   one of  them are   the popular ancient grinding stone  (Vun  tonga) which is located  physically in the heart of Tafawa Balewa Town in three places. "Vhun tongha” is a traditional grinding technique employed by Zaar women  at every unit, such a manual corn mill is usually provided on a wide and solid rock big enough to accommodate several grinders shoulder to shoulder at the same time and the grinding slots were usually hammered and carved deep enough to accommodate one grinding stone at a time.

The Stone Age refers to the prehistoric period when humans made tools and weapons with stone and organic materials such as bone, horn, and wood. These humans were called Homo Habilis which means tool makers. The first human tool was the hand axe, but they gradually made progress and started using fire and making better tools. Tool development continued as they created different variations of stone tools, such as pebble tools, blade tools, and flake tools. They made numerous discoveries, including pottery, art, agriculture, and shelters.

Fossil evidence proves that during this age, humans shared the earth with other species that are now extinct. Some of these species are called the Denisovans and Neanderthals. Therefore, the significance of this period is that it marks a stage of advancement and creativity that led us to further growth and upgrading. It shows the path of humans civilization towards developing, understanding, and building knowledge.

The Stone Age began at about 30,000 BCE and continued until 3,000 BCE. However, some scholars claim that the period began some 2.6 million years ago, based on the earliest evidence of humans using stone tools.

During the colonial era, due to ignorant of the British colonial masters  about the history of  cultural identity and diversity of the Minority tribes of the Middle belt, the British regroup  the tribes of the Middle belt and  merge them under  the Emirate  for proper tax administration without taking into cognizance the effect it may cause to the cultural heritage of the people. The regrouping and merging of the Middle belt tribes under  the Emirate change the entire traditional institutions political system of the middle belt.

The truth of the matter remain Tafawa Balewa is the ancestral headquarter of Sayawa Kingdom which is non negotiable and we  cannot leave an inch out of our land to imposters.

Usman Danfodio is not a Nigerian. His Caliphate Does not Extend to Sayawa Ancestral headquarter Tafawa Balewa. I throw open challenge to you.

*Fung: A Traditional Storage Structure of the Zaar people of Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro LGA of Bauchi State*.

✍🏾 *Madalla Kadiri, Zaar Activist*.

Fung is a traditional storage structure commonly used by the Zaar people in northern Nigeria. It serves as an essential feature of Zaar cultural heritage, particularly for the storage of food crops like grains, yams, and other harvests.

*𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐬 𝐨𝐟 Fung:

𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐌𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐥*:

Made primarily from local materials, such as mud, grass, wood, and thatch.

The walls are usually built with mud reinforced with straw to provide durability.

*𝗗𝗲𝘀𝗶𝗴𝗻*:

Fung  is typically raised above the ground on stone pillars to prevent pests and moisture from spoiling the stored items.

The storage is circular or rectangular with a conical roof made of thatch to protect against rain and heat.

*𝗙𝘂𝗻𝗰𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘁𝘆*:

Used to store food in a manner that ensures longevity and preservation, especially during periods of scarcity.

Provides protection from rodents and insects due to its elevated structure.

*Cultural Significance*:

Fung represents the Zaar people's ingenuity and deep connection to their environment.

It is a symbol of agricultural resilience and self-reliance.

*𝗦𝗼𝗰𝗶𝗮𝗹 𝗔𝘀𝗽𝗲𝗰𝘁*:

In Zaar communities, the construction and maintenance of Fung in the olden days was a communal activities, fostering unity and collaboration.

Despite modern storage methods, Fung  remains a testament to the sustainable practices of indigenous Zaar culture, blending practicality with tradition. It also highlights the  deep understanding of Zaar about their local environmental conditions.

Calabash (Kwolat)

 *Calabash (Kwolat)*.

✍🏾 *Madalla Kadiri Dinki, Zaar Activist*.

*Introduction*:

Calabash (Kwolat) is a versatile fruit that comes from the calabash tree (Lagenaria siceraria). It's also known as bottle gourd or white gourd. Calabash (Kwolat)is widely cultivated in many parts of the world, including Nigeria, where it's used in various ways.

In some cultures, calabash  (Kwolat) is used as a food source. The young fruit is edible and can be cooked in a variety of ways, such as boiling, roasting, or sautéing. It's a good source of vitamins, minerals, and antioxidants.

In Zaar land Calabash (Kwolat) was  used as a natural container or vessel. When the fruit is mature and dry, it can be hollowed out and used as a bowl, cup, or even a musical instrument!

In addition, calabash has cultural and symbolic significance in Zaar society. It's often associated with abundance, fertility, and creativity.

*Cultural Significance of Calabash (Kwolat)*.

The calabash (Kwolat) has significant cultural importance in  Zaar land. Here are some examples:

1. *Symbolism*: In Zaar cultures, the calabash (Kwolat) represents fertility, abundance, and prosperity.

2. *Musical instrument*: The calabash (Kwolat) is used as a resonator in various musical instruments. 

3. *Food and drink*: Calabashes (Kwolat) was used as bowls for serving food and drinks, like Du  (a fermented corn drink) etc. 

4. *Art and craftsmanship*: Calabashes  (Kwolat) were  decorated and used as ornaments, showcasing artistic skills and cultural heritage.

5. *Spiritual significance*: In Zaar traditional religions, calabashes (Kwolat) was  used in rituals and ceremonies for communication with ancestors and the divine.

6. *Social gatherings*: in Zaar land Calabashes (Kwolat) in the olden days was  often used to serve guests during social gatherings, symbolizing hospitality and community.

7.  *Calabash (Kwolat)* represent wisdom, wit, and resourcefulness.

8. *Measurement*: during the era of trade by barter in Zaar land Calabash (Kwolat)  was use as a means of measurement, such as Measurement of crops for exchange, measurement of crops for bride price etc.

*Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar): Ancient Cultural heritage of Neighbours*.

✍🏾 *Madalla Kadiri, Zaar Activist*.

*Introduction*:

Evidence of religious practice has been traced to 

the Stone Age during the time of the Neanderthal man. In Africa, religion as a

fundamental aspect of peoples’ culture permeates every aspect of life . Indeed, festivals are among the essential liturgical 

components of all religions. In the cosmological system of the Zaar  North East and Ngas land North Central Nigeria, festivity is an integral aspect of religious practices.

Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) cultural festival are  important religious festival that were  annually 

celebrated to reverence the spirit of there  ancestors. In the olden days celebrated Lepm Zaar and  Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) cultural festival was celebrated by Zaar and Angas acknowledging the gods, deities and  their ancestors.

*Historical Jocking Relationship Between Zaar and Ngas People*:

Zaar land of Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro Local Government which whole area used to be known as Lere District shares an ancient boundaries with Angas land  Dawaki and Kabwir in the southern part of Plateau State. The Zaar and  Angas are neighbours. They often engage in a joking relationship, each  claiming to be the “master” while the other a “slave”, there is no historical record of when this joking  relationship started,  but it is believe that the joking relationship can be  traced to 

the Stone Age. 

Historically, Zaar and Angas  migrated together as neighbors with other tribes  from Far East  to Chad Area headquarter of the defunct ancient Kanem Borno  Empire and to Ngazargamu and settle permanently as neighbors in Southern Bauchi and Plateau State, currently Zaar and Angas tribe lives as  neighbors and the months which  they celebrate there major cultural festival Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar)cultural festival are neighbors. Lepm Zaar cultural festival is celebrated before  Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar). Lepm Zaar  is celebrated in October, while Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) in November, both Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) are cultural festival of harvest.

*Here's what I found out about this two fascinating Cultural Festivals (Lepm Zaar  and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar)*:

*What is the Lepm Zaar  and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) cultural Festival?*

Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) cultural festival also known as festival of harvest  were celebration of the harvest season and the abundance of new crops in Zaar and Ngas land. Crops  are a staple food in West Africa and are considered a symbol of wealth and prosperity. 

In the olden days both in   Zaar and Ngas  communities. The wealth, riches of a typical wealthy Man in Zaar land and Ngas land was measured  by number of traditional storage facility (Fung) full of grain especially guinea corn, wives  and the number of  Children he has.

*When is the Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) Cultural Festival celebrated?*

Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar)  cultural festivals were  usually celebrated at the end of the rainy season. Lepm Zaar was celebrated in October  after sighting moon. 

The Angas celebrate   Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar in November during the celebration, a brief event called ‘Shooting the Moon’ takes places to mark the end season and the beginning of a new season. The festival is usually celebrated during the time of harvest around November after sighting moon. Both  festivals normally last for more than two weeks. 

*What happens during Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) Cultural Festivals?*

Both  Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar Cultural festival was  a time for feasting, merrymaking, and thanksgiving in  all Zaar and Ngas villages. Food was prepared in abundance and taken to designated areas, where people had gathered.

Here are some of the activities that take place during the festival:

- *new harvest  offerings*:

New harvest such as crops  were offered to the gods and ancestors during the two cultural festivals. In Zaar land before a new crops is consume  by Zaar communities Lepm must be done first.

- *Rituals*: 

Certain rituals  were performed in both  Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) cultural festivals to express gratitude to the gods for the harvest and to ensure a bountiful harvest in the future,  a lot of masquerades come out during the festival,different cultural  performances were done from morning till the next day  such as singing, dancing and moving from house to house. The festival normally last for more than two weeks. Youth could move to another village singing and dancing for a week.

- *Cultural performances*:

There was a cultural performances, a lot of masquerades come out during the festival,different cultural  performances were done from morning till the next day  such as singing, dancing and moving from house to house. The festival normally last for more than two weeks.  Youth could  move to another village singing and dancing for a week.

*Where is the  Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) Cultural Festivals celebrated?*

The  Lepm Zaar and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) cultural festivals was celebrated in all  both Zaar and Ngas  villages.

*What is the significant of the Lepm Zaar Festival?*

The  Lepm Zaar  and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) Festival was  significant because it symbolizes bumper harvest  and the gratitude of the Zaar  community for the harvest . It is also a time for Zaar, Ngas communities bonding and cultural expression. 

*Conclusion*:

There  are many benefits of   (Lepm Zaar  and Lepm Ngas (Tsafi Tar or Mos Tar) ) cultural festivals summarize as follows:

I. The festivals has helped immensely in sustaining the peace and  unity in both Zaar and Ngas land. 

II. It has create a good platform for the sustenance of Zaar and Ngas cultural heritage and makes it easier for it to be passed on to the younger generation. 

*Zaar Chiefdom law 2011 is not Deep Rooted inside Zaar Cultural Heritage*.

✍🏾 *Madalla Kadiri, Zaar Activist*.

It is a welcome development that the Current Governor of Bauchi State Bala Mohammed have admitted that there is a lacuna in the content of 2011 Zaar Chiefdom law that need to be amended.

The Zaar Chiefdom law of 2011 fail  to clearly address the issues of Zaar Chiefdom Headquarter, Zaar traditional boundaries and territory. The traditional boundaries and territory of Zaar Chiefdom is supposed to be the entire  former Lere District of Tafawa Balewa, but In the Zaar Chiefdom law 2011 Zaar Villages in Wai ward which comprise Tafawa Balewa metropolitan,  Mingil Kutaru, Tafare etc were subjected to referendum before they will join Zaar Chiefdom and the referendum was not done,  Zaar Villages in Lere North were removed completely from Zaar Chiefdom which is unfair. The entire process of traditional boundaries and territory in the Zaar Chiefdom law of 2011  was curve out  in accordance with the fraudulent 1990 census.

The  traditional selection rite of Ghun Zaar domicile in the 2011 Zaar Chiefdom law is  not  deep rooted in Zaar cultural heritage. Traditional selection rite of Ghun Zaar domicile in the Zaar Chiefdom law 2011 was  supposed to be the same with that of Seng wari traditional selection rite  not Emirate traditional selection rite were three (3)  people will be nominate by the kingmaker and send to the Governor and the Governor will appoint (1) person 

*Zaar Traditional Selection Rite*.

The Zaar recognized Seng  Wari as traditional ruler who   heads the   administrative affairs of Zaar villages, the Priest Chief (Seng Wari) System  is  regarded as  Ancient Traditional institutions in Zaar land which date back to centuries.

In the olden days period,  all Zaar  villages practiced the Priest Chief System known as the Seng Wari who  serve as the  traditional Ruler of Zaar villages.The Seng Wari was a custodian of cultural heritage  who exercised Spiritual,  political power over the Zaar society. 

Every family or clan appointed its own traditional ruler (Seng Wari) who acted as its Spiritual,  political  head. The appointment was based upon criteria such as dedication, loyalty, hard work, bravery and acceptable moral virtues approved by the most elderly know as (Magaji Gari in Hausa) based on the recommendation of the Elders (Mhn Varanshi) of the village. Magajin Gari currently is 

a senior royal title holder and  also Kingmaker in Zaar Villages.

The Zaar elders were the kingmakers in Zaar Villages. 

Under the Zaar culture the decision of the Elders who are the kingmakers was final in  regard to  Zaar traditional selection right of Seng wari and any other decision which the community may take. The Youth and adult age grades didn't have right to challenge the  decision of Elders.

The selection of new traditional ruler (Seng wari) was  solely the duty of  the elders (Mhn Varanshi) headed by the most elderly in the village, the process was  done secretly through the performance of some certain  rituals.

The traditional Ruler (Seng Wari) was assisted by the elderly class (Mhn Varanshi) who served as an advisory body and Masquerade (Mumtsi) who   enforce legislative and executive functions/decisions with 

members of specific Age grade groups.

On the aspect of responsibility, the Seng Wari played several roles for the day to day running of the 

Zaar society. Prominent among their duties were demarcation of boundaries between families and settled disputes that arose among aggrieved clans. They were also in charge of stranger in the Zaar communities. They received visitors and offered them necessary 

assistance.

*Conclusion*

It should be noted that although Seng Wari political system has disappeared, however, it represent modest form of political administration that kept the virtue of Zaar society in peace and harmony for centuries and it is in this way that many African Communities put in place a cohesive social institutions, and were able to maintain law and order, and social harmony.

 

*Hidden Truth: Why Tafawa Balewa Town and other Zaar Villages under Wai Ward, Zaar Villages in Lere North was not included in Zaar Chiefdom During Yuguda Regime*.

  

*Hidden Truth: Why Tafawa Balewa Town and other Zaar Villages under Wai Ward, Zaar Villages in Lere North was not included in Zaar Chiefdom During Yuguda Regime*.

✍🏾 *Madalla Kadiri, Zaar Activist*.

The reason why Wai was subjected to referendum , Zaar Villages in Lere North were removed from Zaar Chiefdom  can be attributed to the article that was written by Prof. Salisu Shehu and published on Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) newsletter and the 1990 census figure. According to Prof. Salisu Shehu in his article  published on  Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) newsletter  titled: 

*"Will the Azdan Ever be Called Again in Tafawa Balewa Town?"*, He said and I quote"* A second authoritative history of the tribal settlements of the area now known as Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro Local Government Areas can be found in the 1924 Memorandum to the Secretary, Northern Province by W. Morgan, the Provincial Officer of Bauchi Province who had compiled the history of all tribal groups in the Province, marked as SNP/9/2485/1924 available in the National Archives, Kaduna. Nowhere in this document can be found any reference to Tafawa Balewa as being the ancestral home of the Sayawa. On the contrary Morgan categorically said Bogoro is their original home. As a matter of fact, no mention was made by Morgan of Tafawa Balewa as being under Bogoro. The town has been historically and geographically under Wai. Why had the town been named in Fulfude and not in Sayanci?  And why is it that the Sayawa naming of the town began to be heard only in the late 1980s? Is there any book of history written and published before 1990 that reported the Sayawa naming of the town as Puji?"*.

To back this claim of Professor Salisu Shehu, Bauchi Emirate in there  submission to  Babalakin commission of enquiry into the 1991 crisis give  a bias   fraudulent break down total population figure estimate of all the eleven (11) wards in the three (3) district of former Tafawa Balewa LGA, the three districts were Bula, Lere and Bogoro, while the eleven (11) wards were Kardam, Lere/Tapshin, Wai, Lusa, Bununu, Mball, Dajin, Dull, Bula, Bogoro, Boi. There was unbalance distribution of political wards  in the former Tafawa Balewa LGA, Bula was having five (5) ward, Lere and Bogoro having three (3) ward  each, it is quite glaring that even in the former Tafawa Balewa LGA the Zaar were politically disadvantage before Bogoro LGA was created out of Tafawa Balewa LGA on the 1st October, 1996 by General Sani Abacha. 

The break down of total  population estimate of all the 11 wards in 3 district of former Tafawa Balewa LGA presented at the Babalakin commission of enquiry into the 1991 was  as  follows;

Lere District:

Kardam- 43768 dominant ethnic group Barawa, Jarawa. 

Lere/Tapshin- 22879 dominant ethnic groups Hausa/Fulani, Sayawa, Angas, Tapshin.

Wai- 31488 dominant ethnic groups Hausa/ Fulani, Bankalawa and Sayawa was removed in Wai ward.

Bula District:

Bununu- 32498 dominant ethnic groups Jarawa, Fulani. 

Ball-19794 dominant ethnic groups Jarawa, Bankakawa, Sayawa, Angas. 

Bula-10701 -dominant ethnic groups Jarawa Bankakawa 

Dajin-30549 dominant ethnic groups Bankakawa, Polchi. 

Dull-15196 dominant ethnic groups Jarawa, fulani.

Bogoro District: 

Bogoro 35013 dominant ethnic groups Burmawa, Sayawa, Burmawa was put first just to make us look like minority.

Boi- 31963 dominant ethnic groups Sayawa, Boyawa

Lusa - 20723 Sayawa, Burmawa. 

The Emirate claim that  the source of the figures was obtained from 1990 Population census. 

In  Wai ward  Sayawa ethnic group was not captured as one of the dominant ethnic group in the 1990 census and in Lere/Tapshin Ward Sayawa Ethnic group was not captured as dominant ethnic group in Zaar Villages in Lere North, it was an error or intensional?  nobody knows,  no pressure group in Zaar land have bother  to do  a follow up and verify the authenticity of the figure at the National Population Commission headquarters and write a rejoinder to counter the position of the Bauchi Emirate.  From available evidence it was an intentional crafted plan to rig  Sayawa out of  Tafawa Balewa town as there ancestral headquarters, the reason why it was done like that can be found in same article of Professor Salisu Shehu Titled:  *"Will the Azdan Ever be Called Again in Tafawa Balewa Town?"*, I quote *" Was there a Sayawa man in Tafawa Balewa town (not Maryam Daji and not Dunga Sabo-neighbouring settlements) at the time of Nigerian Independence in 1960? Was Mr. Ishaya Baushe who is still alive not the first Sayawa man to buy a house from Mallam Yunusa (a Hausa man) in 1971? Is Ishaya Baushe the grand ancestor referred by the writers? Have not even Igbos and Yorubas preceded the Sayawas in settling in Tafawa Balewa town, e.g. Messrs. Francis, Jonathan, David Maigana, Maikalangu Bayarbe etc)?. Why has there never been a Sayawa man that held the position of “Sarki” of Tafawa Balewa? Isn’t the history of Tafawa Balewa not hinged to the sarauta of Sarkin Tafawa Balewa or the Village Head of Wai who superintends over him?. Is the fact of Fulani being the original founders of Tafawa Balewa not further confirmed and reinforced by the fact that all the villages surrounding Tafawa Balewa from all directions are Fulani villages namely, Unguwar Rogo, Durum, Gandu, Tenam and Kocciyel Bululi (to the East), Jakol, Yalwan Galadima, Jaja, Yamgan, Gumel, Shafali, Wuro Gara, Unguwan Baraya (now Arewa) and Taka (to the North) Karli, Lindi, Unguwar Ruga and Rafin Gimba (to the West) and Belma, Barangel, Pancipam and Nafada (to the South)? Are these by accident or default? Don’t all these predate all the Sayawa settlements surrounding Tafawa Balewa town including the earliest two (Dunga Sabo and Maryam Daji – migrants from Lusa and Maryam Giji in Bogoro) talkless of the later ones that only sprang up in the 1970s and 1980s like Pekman, Unguwan Arewa and Kutaru".

The outcome of 1990 population census was not in our favor and is currently effecting Zaar land,  there a need  for  radical legal approach to correct the lapses. In the  2011 Chiefdom law all the wards  which Sayawa were  dominant ethnic group in  1990 census were  included in Zaar Chiefdom, but other  ward  that  Sayawa were  not dominant ethnic group were excluded from Zaar Chiefdom. The boundary adjustment of Zaar land in the 2011 Zaar  Chiefdom law is a direct reflection of 1990 census not our ancient traditional boundary adjustment.

The truth of the matter remain Tafawa Balewa is the ancestral headquarter of Zaar Kingdom which is non negotiable and we  cannot leave an inch out of our land to imposters.

*Who is Professor Salisu Shehu*.

He claim to be indigene of Tafawa Balewa LGA, he is currently the Deputy Secretary of Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs 

(NSCIA), Professor Salisu Shehu and Shehu of Borno are representing the  north east  at  the Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs 

(NSCIA). Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs 

(NSCIA) was established in 1973 to “cater for, preserve , protect, promote and advance the interest of Islam and Muslims throughout the country” and has been responsible for the unity of Nigerian Muslims as the official body, recognised by the Nigerian Federal and State Governments, coordinating the affairs of Islam in Nigeria.

 

 

*How Sharia Grow and Minority tribes of the Middle belt Cultural Heritage Decline*.

✍🏾 *Madalla Kadiri Dinki, Zaar Activist*.

The conversation and debate  around Islamization in Nigeria traces back to early colonial period. Historically, the British divided the Northern Protectorate into two parts: the Islamic emirates in the far North and the so-called “pagan districts” in the lower North, where traditional religion prevailed. 

While Christian missionary activities were permitted in these non-emirate areas, they were restricted in the northern emirates.

This division significantly influenced the religious landscape of the lower North. Many communities, eager to distance themselves from the emirate system, adopted Christianity. As a result, regions like present day - southern Gombe, Bauchi, Kebbi, Borno, Yobe, and states across the Middle Belt—including Adamawa, Taraba, Benue, Plateau, Nasarawa, and southern Kaduna—came to be predominantly Christian. 

Islam, however, began to gain influence in the Middle Belt in the late 1940s and 1950s, largely due to the efforts of Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto. 

As the Premier of the Northern Region, he promoted Islam and Hausa culture as tools to unify the North under a shared cultural and religious identity, despite its many ethnic groups. He mandated the use of the Hausa language in civil services and exams, intending it to be the region’s primary language.

For many ethnic minorities who converted to Islam, this shift brought expectations of adopting Hausa customs and language. 

The goal was that over time, those who spoke Hausa or converted to Islam, whether consciously or unconsciously, would begin to lose touch with their own indigenous identities. 

The Sardauna’s death during the 1966 coup halted these policies temporarily.

In recent years, German researchers began to have significant interest in the upper Eastern part of the Middle Belt

The research by the German researcher was conducted on  the treats faced by Middle Belt minorities in regions such as southern Gombe, Borno, Yobe to adopt not only Islam but Hausa and Kanuri culture.

In southern Kaduna, Borno and Yobe, people have been kidnapped solely with conversion in mind

The research highlighted the lack of protection for these communities and there cultural heritage since Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, which began in 1999. 

Before this, southern military officers stationed in the these areas often shielded minorities from often radicalized Hausa, Fulani and Kanuri communities around them which reduced pressures to convert to Islam or assimilate into Hausa culture. 

However, with the reintroduction of Sharia law into the twelve states in the North, these protections were lifted, and minority autonomy decreased.

This situation has sparked broader concerns. 

During the time of the Sardauna, he wanted to impose the Hausa language as the imprint of the North and similarly, during the Buhari years, we saw something similar, 

only that it was at national level where the attorney general spoke in Hausa and the BRICS purported currency a being purported to be in Hausa

That promotion of Hausa as the National identity, when no similar promotion of Yoruba or Igbo at national level would be tolerated, shows the mindset 

It is even bewildering that any attempt to resist or challenge such ethnic expansionist policies is often met with accusations of Islamophobia, which act as a diversion away from the ethnic aspects of these issues.

A solution to all these lies in promoting minority autonomy in these parts.

If state creation isn’t feasible, it could still be crucial to empower minorities to protect their lands, gain political representation, and have a voice at the federal level.